Here in Israel, nobody expects much from the White House’s long-expected attempt at Mideast peace.

ed note–besides the obvious, which is the typically arrogant, sneering demeanor of virtually all Judaic opinionating, please note the following–

1. That our unesteemed Hebraic mouthpiece served 7 consecutive Israeli Prime Ministers from 1990 to 2016, which means he operates at the highest political and intelligence levels within the Israeli political system, and which means by extension that the piece he has written is for all intents and purposes yet another political/intelligence operation in pushing forward an agenda that is being moved forward by the biggest gears making up the political machinery in the Jewish state. 

Note the following–

‘There is only slight chance of gaining any significant traction toward Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation at the present time, as Israel is deep in the throes of an election campaign where disinterested voters have relegated the Palestinian issue conspicuously to the back seat.’

As we have pointed out here ad nauseum (and unfortunately the lone voice to do so) all the recent political upheaval and instability in the Israeli government beginning with Lieberman’s VERY dramatic resignation was done precisely and deliberately to throw a wrench into the ‘deal of the century’ which Trump is resigned to see implemented.

Nexto–

‘Constituent parties of Israel’s right wing — which the ballot is expected to return to power — are already lobbying against the Trump plan. Mix in the always-protracted process of forming a governing coalition and the specter of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s potential indictment by the attorney general — which both promise to consume the country’s entire bandwidth in the coming months — and by all accounts, there will be little appetite for compromise with the Palestinians.’

As we already stated, all of this BY DESIGN in order to strangle the peace deal baby to death in the crib and thus declare it ‘DOA’.

Nexto–

‘Indignant Palestinians can be expected to reject any American proposal as a plot to disadvantage them. Israel, which has vastly more to lose if President Donald Trump sours on the country, is certain to offer a more nuanced response. With limited domestic constituency for the concessions that the plan is to demand of Israel, the Netanyahu government will prefer undoubtedly to give its conditional consent (“yes, but”) — and then leave the recalcitrant Palestinians to absorb blame for the stillborn delivery of Trump’s bargain.’

As we have said here from the beginning, that Israel will maneuver the Palestinians into adopting and maintaining the position of the recalcitrant, hard-headed caricature, while juxtaposed to this will be the mirage of the Jews as the innocent, pure-as-the-wind-driven-snow eternal victims who really, really, REALLY want to do a peace deal, but, alas, peace is not possible because of the Ay-Rabs.

Shalom Lipner for Politico

Jared Kushner’s taking a road trip again. The first son-in-law’s engagement this week with Gulf leaders signals that the Trump administration is continuing full steam ahead with its plans to release a blueprint for Middle East peace. But regional circumstances are conspiring to transform the ambitious endeavor into an exercise of “full gas in neutral,” as they say in Israel.

Scant information is known about the contours of the long-percolating U.S. initiative. White House officials have kept mostly silent about the “deal of the century,” as Trump once called it, perfunctorily dismissing media reports on its (alleged) components. Kushner’s original intention to confine his current discussions to only its economic aspects was bound to find little enthusiasm among his Arab interlocutors. That may explain why he raised the ante in an interview with Sky News Arabia on Monday, announcing that the program’s political dimension would focus on “resolving the border issue.”

Trump’s senior adviser is certainly a persistent fellow, but his valiant effort invites comparisons to Don Quixote dreaming the impossible dream in “The Man of La Mancha.”

In fact, there is only slight chance of gaining any significant traction toward Israeli-Palestinian reconciliation at the present time. Israel is deep in the throes of an election campaign, where disinterested voters have relegated the Palestinian issue conspicuously to the back seat. (Former Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, the candidate most identified with the pursuit of a negotiated solution, quit the race after discovering that her prospects were thoroughly dismal.)

Constituent parties of Israel’s right wing — which the ballot is expected to return to power — are already lobbying against the Trump plan. Mix in the always-protracted process of forming a governing coalition and the specter of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s potential indictment by the attorney general — which both promise to consume the country’s entire bandwidth in the coming months — and by all accounts, there will be little appetite for compromise with the Palestinians.

Additionally, internal chaos on the Palestinian side all but guarantees that Israelis will maintain that they have no partner for dialogue. A February 11-13 meeting in Moscow ended in failure when Palestinian factions, unable to overcome their differences, could not reach consensus on a concluding declaration.

Compounding the challenge for Kushner is the fact that Palestinian officials, incensed by U.S. maneuvering which they consider biased against their cause, broke off contact with the Trump administration over a year ago. These days, any residual “conversation” between U.S. and Palestinian leaders takes place almost exclusively on Twitter.

This state of play leads most likely into a dead end. Indignant Palestinians can be expected to reject any American proposal as a plot to disadvantage them. Israel, which has vastly more to lose if President Donald Trump sours on the country, is certain to offer a more nuanced response. With limited domestic constituency for the concessions that the plan is to demand of Israel, the Netanyahu government will prefer undoubtedly to give its conditional consent (“yes, but”) — and then leave the recalcitrant Palestinians to absorb blame for the stillborn delivery of Trump’s bargain.