‘This is a war of redemption that began on October 7,’ Ophir Falk, foreign affairs adviser to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said.
ed note–as always, lots of ‘must knows’ that every war-weary Gentile with a vested interest in his/her own future survival needs to understand about all of this.
Firsto, ladies and Gentile-men, as we point out often here on this humble little informational endeavor, it is not just a mistake, not just a BIG mistake, but indeed, an APOCALYPTICALLY FATAL mistake, to try and ‘read’ the Jews on a purely superficial and surface-level manner.
Yes, they appear just like the rest of us, with 2 arms, 2 legs, 2 eyes, 2 ears, a mouth, etc, but that is where the similarities end. They see things in as much a different manner as the alligator does compared to the deer or any other soon-to-be meal. Whereas the ‘operating system’ that functions on the Gentile hard drive is that ‘holy trinity’ of ‘life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness’, for the Israelite, Hebrew, Judah-ite, whatever combination of vowels and consonants one chooses to use in describing them, it is one of depriving the Gentile of his/her birthright of life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness and in much the same manner as it is the instinct of the vampire to deprive his/her victim of blood.
And while this ‘world view’ is something that the Hebrew, Israelite, Judah-ite, again whatever word one chooses, exists everywhere and every WHEN that they, the ‘Children of Israel’ happen to exist, in the ‘promised land’ however, that ‘world view’ is something that is MUCH more serious, and by ‘serious’ what we mean is something simply APOCALYPTIC in its inherent danger, given that this ‘promised land’ is to them what the swamp is to the alligator.
Now, having said all of that, nota bene the following–
The fact that the terrorist Jew Netanyahu has changed the name of the massacre of Gentiles that began on Oct. 7th from ‘Swords of Iron’ to ‘War of Redemption’ is by no means some small or trivial matter, something which the Gentiles still do not seem to understand, even months after this ‘change’ took place. Within the diabolically-deranged Jewish brain and the equally deranged Jewish lexicon, the word ‘redemption’ carries with it translations and implications that are far more serious, and again, what we mean by ‘serious’ is nothing short of apocalyptic.
The word ‘Redemption’, like the gangsterese phrase ‘an offer you can’t refuse’, while appearing harmless on the surface, nevertheless is the alphabetical equivalent of a bomb with a lit fuse attached to it that, barring either someone yanking out that fuse or some miracle, is going to go BOOM and is going to destroy everything in its environs. It is nothing short of a diabolical incantation that carries with it messages and meanings which, while escaping the understanding of the Gentile brain, nevertheless, to the Jewish one, activates a deeply-embedded program on the Judaic mental hard drive that has as its intended end result the destruction of the existing world as the necessary precursor to them, the ‘Children of Israel’ as they love to refer to themselves, declaring ownership and taking control of everything in exactly the manner that they believe they are destined to do.
After Iran has been destroyed, just as the Jews have been pre-emptively celebrating for the last 2,500 years with their annual revenge-fest of Purim, they will move on to all the other countries in the region, one by one, until they are all absorbed into ‘Greater Israel’ exactly as the violently deity they worship, yahweh, has demanded…
…and from there, the Jews will then move on to the next ‘phase’ of this ‘redemption’, which is the destruction of the same Christian West which it sees as the ‘abomination of desolation’.
Ethan Bronner for Jpost
At dawn on Saturday, Oct. 7, 2023, as rockets and gunmen poured into Israel from Gaza, Hamas military chief Mohammad Deif declared the Jewish state finished: ‘To our brothers in the Islamic resistance in Lebanon, Iran, Yemen, Iraq and Syria, the day has come.’
The day did come, but not the one Deif imagined.
He’s dead, along with a generation of fellow Islamist leaders, at the hands of Israel, which has emerged as a regional hegemon. And Hamas’ principal benefactor, Iran, is being systematically torn to pieces. And while the question of Palestinian statehood was thrust onto center-stage by the Gaza war, it’s out of focus again as the region’s future is recast by a joint US-Israeli war on Tehran.
‘This is a war of redemption that began on October 7,’ said Ophir Falk, foreign affairs adviser to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. ‘We took out the Islamist leadership and commanders across the region, and now we’re removing the existential threat of the ayatollah’s regime that’s been terrorizing the world for 47 years.’
Israel’s international standing tarnished
Many outside Israel don’t see the connection. For them, the 2023 Hamas attack and the brutal Gaza war it triggered, killing tens of thousands of Palestinians and reducing vast portions of the territory to rubble, are a tale of Israeli oppression and vengeance.
That has deeply tarnished its international standing and made the prospect of building ties with Middle Eastern countries more remote.
‘Forget normalization,’ former Saudi Arabian intelligence chief Prince Turki al-Faisal told CNN on Wednesday. ‘This is Netanyahu’s war.’
But perhaps more importantly, Israel’s actions since Oct. 7 have alienated many in the US, the country’s most important ally. Last week, Gallup released a poll that showed for the first time more Americans sympathize with Palestinians than with Israelis, 41% to 36%. That’s compared to a 54%-31% split in favor of Israel three years ago. Among 18-34-year-olds, the figures are even starker, barely a quarter favor Israel.
The war with Iran has drawn similar bipartisan condemnation, with politicians and commentators across the political spectrum accusing Israel of dragging Washington into battle after Secretary of State Marco Rubio indicated that Israel’s determination to strike the country had forced the US to act.
In a further sign of Israel’s precarious place in political discourse, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a leading contender for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination, this week said the US should rethink its military partnership with Israel. He likened Israel to ‘an apartheid state.’
That kind of language would’ve been unthinkable for a leading American politician only a few years ago.
As the war wears on, it’s also increasing the chance of friction between the US, which sees it as a conflict of choice, and Israel, which considers it existential. While US President Donald Trump has repeatedly floated regime change, his administration has been at pains to say its targets are military and nuclear, while Israel’s are aimed at the state and at sparking an internal uprising that will topple the Islamic Republic.
‘It seems the Israelis have one target list, and the US has another,’ said Richard Clarke, a former White House official and assistant secretary of state. ‘I can imagine a couple of weeks from now, the US military saying we’ve bombed everything we want to bomb, and Trump might declare we’re done with it.’
Still, for most Israelis, polls show more than 80% backing the current war, the past two-and-a-half years offer a kind of straight line indicating what they now consider to have been a dangerous complacency that they successfully overcame in the name of survival.
‘October 7 was a national wake-up call,’ says Elad Levy, who owns a hair salon in central Tel Aviv. ‘We will never again let down our guard. For a lot of us, it was a kind message from God.’
Oct. 7, 2023, was both the Jewish Sabbath and an Israeli holiday. Thousands of young people were dancing at a rave in the desert 3 miles (4.8 kilometers) from the Gaza border. On nearby military bases, soldiers slept in their beds. Israel and Saudi Arabia were close to normalizing relations, even without the Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza getting much in the way of progress toward independence.
Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza had tens of thousands of missiles aimed at Israel, but the assessment was that they were deterred and not about to fire them. The Houthis of Yemen, despite calling for ‘death to Israel,’ weren’t firmly on the Israeli intelligence radar; they were deemed too far away and thus not a serious threat.
But the shock attack by Hamas brought others: with 250 hostages dragged into Gaza and gunmen still hiding around southern Israel, militias in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen fired at the Jewish state in solidarity with Hamas.
Israel found itself in a multi-front war for which it was unprepared. It was a massive shock for Netanyahu, who’d long campaigned as Mr. Security and touted his unique ability to anticipate threats to the nation.
He’d been lured, along with most of the security establishment, into believing that Hamas wouldn’t dare. He’d encouraged Qatar to send money to Gaza, permitted some Gazans to work in Israel, and boosted Gaza Islamists as a counterweight to the more secular Palestinian Authority based in the West Bank. It was a kind of divide-and-conquer strategy to prevent Palestinian sovereignty.
As he sprang into action on that day, pale and shaken, Netanyahu was considered to be done as far as his political career was concerned. In the middle of a corruption and bribery trial, presiding over the worst security lapse in the country’s history, he would resign or be forced out, according to a chorus of commentators.
Yet today, Netanyahu, 76, along with Trump, another figure then widely dismissed as a has-been, are together, in the Israeli leader’s words, ‘changing the face of the Middle East.’
That began in Gaza, which the Israeli military bombarded, leaving more than 72,000 dead and sparking a global backlash and leading to an international arrest warrant for Netanyahu.
In Israel, while there has been muted criticism of the war’s conduct, the overwhelming focus was on freeing the hostages and the legitimacy of a war against a group that openly seeks Israel’s destruction. The political battle in Israel became one of fighting harder, not pulling back.
Netanyahu’s reinvention
It was a moment when Netanyahu sought to reinvent himself once again. The son of an historian, he faced his Neville Chamberlain moment by, many said, remaking himself as Winston Churchill, persuading his US ally to join him in defeating his enemy.
He did that first with President Joe Biden and then with Trump. But those close to Netanyahu see a different historical figure as a model: Franklin Roosevelt, US President during the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Rather than cowering after that failure, Roosevelt turned it into the basis for US military supremacy and Allied victory over Germany and Japan in World War II.
Netanyahu followed a similar path, promising on Oct. 8, 2023, to remake the entire Middle East. Israeli security officials say the country was lucky Hezbollah didn’t invade from the north as Hamas had hoped, instead limiting itself to shooting missiles over the course of a year.
Methodically, the Israeli military and intelligence services took on their regional enemies, killing their leaders and taking out many of their Lebanese operatives when their pagers blew up in their pockets in a spectacular 2024 attack. A ground incursion into Lebanon followed soon after. There were numerous air sorties over Syria, Iraq, and Iran.
Israel also used the opportunity the war presented to further take control of the West Bank, where Jewish settler violence against Palestinians has soared, making the prospect of a Palestinian state even more remote.
Israel is pouring money into its military while many of its young people turn rightward and more religious. It has remade its security doctrine, placing troops outside its borders, setting up a department to defeat the Houthis, and shifting focus from its opponents’ intentions to their capacity. The aim now is to strike first rather than wait and react to an attack.
Today, if Israel sees that an opposing military or militia can threaten it, it will act preemptively. That’s considered by many a violation of international law. So far, the US under Trump has backed Israel.
And global markets have too. After initially plummeting, Israeli assets rose during the course of the war. Israeli stocks have been among the world’s best performers since the start of 2025, rising 114% in dollar terms. Foreign investment has picked up.
In the past week, stocks have slumped globally, with the war causing an effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz and oil prices spiking. Yet the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange 35 Index, the country’s benchmark equities gauge, gained almost 7% in dollars. It was the world’s second-best performer, while the shekel strengthened more than any other currency.
Netanyahu is no longer being written off. Even those who despise him suspect he may be reelected this year.
‘If this round ends quickly, Netanyahu will proudly ride it to the ballot box,’ lamented Aluf Benn, editor-in-chief of Haaretz, Israel’s left-leaning daily newspaper, in a column expressing anger that ‘the masses in Israel and the countries of the region have been cast in the role of cannon fodder and collateral damage.’
Indeed, many around the globe watch what’s happening in Iran with alarm, remembering the ‘forever wars’ of the US in Iraq and Afghanistan. Frustration with the war in countries such as the United Arab Emirates, where cities like Dubai and Abu Dhabi are being targeted by Iranian drones and missiles, is rising.
Regional and military experts say they’re horrified by what they consider poor planning by Israel and the US for what follows in Iran. That’s only heightened by reports that Trump may be considering ground troops in Iran, and by others saying Washington and Israel are working on getting Kurdish forces to take up arms against the Iranian government.
In Israel, however, there is cautious optimism, despite ongoing missile attacks. The broad sense is that the country is in a much stronger position geopolitically and militarily than two-and-a-half years ago.
And no matter what emerges in Iran, it will be weaker and less of a threat. Israel’s ultimate goal is to see a new Iranian government that, like the monarchy before the 1979 Islamic revolution, has warm relations with it and the US. Few, whether in Israel or outside, are betting on that happening soon. There’s just as much chance that Iran is Balkanized, turned into a failed and lawless state.
Meanwhile, Israel hopes that Iran’s decision to fire upon Gulf Arab states, despite most of them not wanting the war and barring US and Israeli forces from using their airspace for offensive purposes, will win those countries over to the Jewish state’s side.
That’s far from guaranteed. Arab populations were appalled by the suffering of Palestinians during the war in Gaza. And many of their governments are increasingly concerned about Israel’s military forays abroad.
The biggest concern for Israel is the growing disillusionment with it in the US. The fear is that Trump, who faces tough midterm elections in November, loses patience with the war before Iran’s military capacities are destroyed. Already, American gasoline pump prices have risen along with oil prices.
‘We need to pray that Trump doesn’t balk,’ wrote Ben Caspit in Maariv.