ed note–as always, lots of ‘must knows’ that every war-weary Gentile with a vested interest in his/her own future survival needs to understand about all of this.
Firsto, ladies and Gentile-men, a reminder of a certain ‘protocol’ that appears CONSTANTLY here on this humble little informational endeavour, which is that the Jews are as much incurable liars as crocodiles are hunter/killers. The lies that they exhale become the oxygen that they breathe to the point that if they ceased telling lies, they would simply cease to exist.
Having said all of that, rest assured that the deleted footage confiscated by these ‘elite’ units in the IDF was obviously of such a ‘problematic’ nature that it would put into better ‘perspective’ what really took place that day, and in particular all the noise involving ‘rapes’, ‘beheadings’, ‘babies in microwaves’, etc.
Not that the seized video footage would show no ‘rapes’, ‘beheadings’, ‘babies in microwaves’, etc, but rather that all of this WOULD be revealed, not being done by Hamas fighters, but rather by members of these same ‘elite’ IDF forces who are now tasked with ‘cleaning up’ the mess that they made on that day based on orders that they were given by their COs.
The Jews engaging in ‘rapes’, ‘beheadings’, ‘babies in microwaves’, etc, in order to create the narrative necessary for getting WWIII/ Armageddon started?
In the infamous words of that ditzy former governor from Alaska, Sarah Palin,
‘You betcha’.
The Israeli army secretly seized and deleted parts of the 7 October security camera footage according to a report published by Israel Hayom, in the latest revelation to deepen suspicion over the official Israeli account of the events of that day.
The Hebrew-language daily reported that on the evening of 9 October 2023, a classified reserve unit operating under the Israeli army’s Ground Forces Command arrived at Kibbutz Be’eri and required of members of the kibbutz’s rapid-response squad to hand over the device storing all the community’s security camera recordings. The unit commander told the exhausted residents that he needed the material ‘to bring the hostages home’ and promised it would not be shared and would be returned in its original state.
No written commitment was given. By the following morning, the officer had left Be’eri with the recordings and headed to the Kirya, the Israeli army’s headquarters complex in Tel Aviv.
According to the report, the classified unit — composed of reservists drawn from elite formations including Sayeret Matkal, Shaldag, Shayetet 13 and Duvdevan ‘operates in the gray zones,’ a reference to covert, legally ambiguous missions that fall outside the army’s regular chain of command and conventional rules of engagement.
On the morning of 7 October, the commander of the unit, identified only as ‘N,’ activated the group and dispatched the teams to collect visual material from security cameras, dashcams and GoPro cameras.
Material seized from Kibbutz Be’eri’s command room was subsequently passed to ‘unspecified bodies’ inside the Israeli defence establishment.
From there, the unit ‘lost control’ of the footage.
Residents of Kibbutz Be’eri who reviewed the returned material this week told Israel Hayom that the recordings had been ‘tampered with’ and returned with deletions. The paper noted that residents’ suspicions had been reinforced by a separate investigation by Israeli journalist Gali Ginat for Uvda, the country’s leading investigative current affairs television programme, which uncovered footage from the Dor Alon petrol station near neighbouring Kfar Aza — footage that the Israeli army had previously insisted no longer existed.
‘October 7 is defined by a profound crisis of trust,’ one Be’eri resident told the paper. ‘The decisions to delete materials were made ‘under fluorescent lights’ — it’s a conscious decision, not one made in the chaos of combat.
Asked why he believed portions of the footage had been deleted, the resident replied: ‘The day will come when an investigative commission is established here. The fewer witnesses there are, the less damage certain people in the military will sustain. I know it sounds conspiratorial, but the more I think about it, the more that is the conclusion I reach.’
The disclosure is the latest in a series of revelations that have chipped away at Israel’s official narrative of 7 October.
Israel’s most widely circulated atrocity claims have collapsed under scrutiny.
The ’40 beheaded babies’ story, repeated by Israeli officials and amplified by US President Joe Biden in the immediate aftermath of the attack, was never substantiated and is now widely treated as propaganda.
Allegations of systematic sexual violence by Palestinian fighters, propagated by a now-discredited New York Times investigation, have similarly been undermined: Israeli prosecutors have confirmed that no rape complaints were ever filed in connection with 7 October, the Associated Press has reported that key accounts were untrue, and a UN Commission of Inquiry said it had been ‘unable to independently verify specific allegations’ due to Israel’s obstruction of its investigations.
Tel Aviv has separately blocked a UN probe into the alleged sexual violence.
Mounting evidence has also confirmed that the Israeli army itself killed an unknown number of its own citizens on 7 October through its activation of the so-called ‘Hannibal Directive’ — a controversial standing order authorising the use of overwhelming force, including against captured Israelis, to prevent them being taken hostage.